SRC Winter Symposium Socio-Cultural Dimensions of the Changes in the Slavic-Eurasian World ( English / Japanese )

Defining Territories and Empires:
from Mongol Ulus to Russian Siberia1200-1800(5)

Stephen Kotkin
(Princeton University)

Copyright (c) 1996 by the Slavic Research Center( English / Japanese ) All rights reserved.


  1. Michael Charol, writing under the pseudonym Prawdin, pointed out that the geopolitical "heritage" of Chingis Khan was split between Russian and China, with (Outer) Mongolia as a kind of geo-strategic pivot in between. Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: Its Rise and Legacy (London: Allen and Unwin, 1962), pp. 518, 545-49. China's somewhat underappreciated role in facilitating Russia's eastern advance is addressed below.

  2. For example, V. P. Zinov'ev, ed., Tomskaia oblast': Istoricheskii ocherk (Tomsk, 1994); or Istoriia Kuzbassa 3 vols. (Kemerovo, 1967-70). In a larger format, the single chapter becomes volume one. A. P. Okladnikov et al., Istoriia Sibiri, 5 vols. (Leningrad, 1968-69).

  3. What follows forms part of the background for my research project on western Siberia entitled "Blacksmith Basin: Empire and Modernity on the Slavic/Inner Asian Frontier 1500-2000."

  4. George V. Lantzeff, Siberia in the Seventeenth Century (Berkeley: University of California, 1943).

  5. Donald W. Treadgold, "Russian Expansion in the Light of Turner's Study of the American Frontier," Agricultural History, 26 (4), 1952, pp. 147-52; Paul Miliukov, Russia and its Crisis (Chicago, 1906), pp. 5-13; Mark Bassin, "Turner, Solov'ev, and the `Frontier Hypothesis': the Nationalist Significance of Open Spaces," Journal of Modern History, 65 (3), 1993, pp. 473-511.

  6. Galya Diment and Yuri Slezkine, eds., Between Heaven and Hell: The Myth of Siberia in Russian Culture (New York: St. Martin's, 1993), p. 1.

  7. John Andrew Boyle, "The Last Barbarian Invaders: The Impact of the Mongol Conquests upon East and West" (1970), reprinted in The Mongol World Empire 1206-1370 (London: Variorum, 1977), pp. 2-3. On the pre-Chingis internal fighting and occasional (brief) alliances and groupings among tribes, see also N. Ts. Munkuev, "Zametki o drevnikh mongolakh," in Tataro-Mongoly v Azii i Evrope: Sbornik statei 2nd ed. (Moscow, 1977), pp. 377-408.

  8. According to Boyle, assemblage of the texts of the Secret History may have begun around 1241 and been more or less completed in 1251-52. Boyle, The Mongol World Empire, pp. 136-37. There are translations into various European languages, including English. Francis W. Cleaves, trans., The Secret History of the Mongols, Part I (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983).

  9. For a survey of European impressions of the Mongols, see Gian Andri Bezzola, Die Mongolen in abenlaendischen Sicht (1220-1270): ein Beitrag zur Frage der Voelkerbegegnung (Bern, 1974). Thirteenth-century secondary accounts, in English translation, include John Andrew Boyle, trans., Ata Malik Juvaini, The History of the World Conqueror, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958); Boyle, trans., Rashid al-Din, The Successors of Ghengis Khan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971); Robert P. Blake and Richard N. Frye, trans., "The History of the Nation of Archers (the Mongols) by Grigor of Akanc," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 13 (3-4), 1949, pp. 269-399; Christopher Dawson, ed., The Mongol Mission (New York: AMS Press, 1955); William W. Rockhill, The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253-55, as narrated by himself, with two accounts of the early journal of John of Pian di Carpine (London: Hakluyt Society, 1900); Sir Henry Yule, trans., Cathay and the Way Thither, Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China, new edition by Henri Cordier, 4 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1924-26). A contemporary Chinese account is available in French, Paul Pelliot and L. Hambiss, trans., Histoire des campagnes de Ghengis Khan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1951).

  10. Igor de Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys to the Great Khans (London: Faber and Faber, 1971).

  11. Henry H. Howorth, History of the Mongols from the Ninth to the Nineteenth Century 4 parts (London: Longman, Green, 1876, 1880, 1888, 1927). Before Howorth there was J. Deguignes, Histoire generale des Huns, des Turcs, des Mongols et des autres Tatares occidentaux, ouvrage tire des livres chinois (Paris, 1756-58), and C. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols depuis Tchinguiz-khan jusqu'a Timour Bey ou Tamerlane 4 vols. (The Hague and Amsterdam: Les Freres van Cleef, 1834-35). For more recent overviews by specialists, see Bertold Spuler, History of the Mongols, Based on Eastern and Western Accounts of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972); and David Morgan, The Mongols (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986).

  12. V. Ia. Vladimirtsov, Obshchestvennyi stroi Mongolov: Mongol'skii kochevoi feodalizm (Leningrad, 1934).

  13. David Ayalon, "The Great Yasa of Chingiz Khan: A Reexamintion," Studia Islamica, 1971, 33, pp. 97-140 and 34, pp. 151-80.

  14. T. D. Skrynnikova, "Idei 'Sokrovennogo Skazaniia' o vlasti v letopisiiakh XVII v.," in Mongolica: K 750-letiiu "Sokrovennogo Skazaniia" (Moscow, 1993), pp. 157-68.

  15. Prawdin, The Mongol Empire, pp. 435-36.

  16. Thomas Allsen, "The Yuan Dynasty and the Uighurs of Turfan in the Thirteenth Century," in Morris Rossabi, ed., China Among Equals: The Middle Kingdom and its Neighbors, Tenth-Fourteenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 243-80.

  17. Eric Voegelin, "Mongol Orders of Submission to European Powers, 1245-1255," Byzantion, 15, 1941, pp. 378-413.

  18. Igor de Rachewiltz, "Some Remarks on the Ideological Foundations of Chingis Khan's Empire," Papers on Far Eastern History [of the Australia National University], 7, 1973, pp. 21-36; idem., "Turks in China under the Mongols: A Preliminary Investigation of Turco-Mongol Relations in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries," in Rossabi, China among Equals, pp. 281-310. See also Henry Serruys, "Mongol Altan 'Gold' = Imperial," Monumenta Serica, 21, 1962, pp. 357-78; Osman Turan, "The Idea of World Domination Among the Turks," Studia Islamica, 4, 1955, pp. 70-90; and A. N. Bernshtam, Sotsial'no-ekonomicheskii stroi orkhono-eniseiskikh tiurok (Moscow-Leningrad, 1946).

  19. Sergei Bakhrushin, "Sibirskie sluzhilye tatary v XVII v.," Istoricheskie zapiski, 1937, pp. 55-88, reprinted in Nauchnye trudy, vol 3 (2) (Moscow, 1955), pp. 154; Charles J. Halperin, Russia and the Golden Horde: The Mongol Impact on Medieval Russian History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), p. 23.

  20. Vladimirtsov, Obshchestvennyi stroi, pp. 56, 97-100. V. V. Bartol'd argued that notions of political unity are "alien" to nomadic peoples. Sochineniia, vol. 5 (Moscow, 1968), pp. 22-23. I have slightly reformulated this point. For a discussion of the "stages" of nomad statehood that culminate in "feudalism," see German A. Fedorov-Davydov, Obshchestvennyi stroi zolotoi ordy (Moscow, 1973), pp. 16-17.

  21. Armed with a head count (in China it was by household) and with lists of skilled individuals, the Mongols conscripted craftsmen and divided the remaining subject peoples into administrative units that were essentially military formations (including the famous tumen, or ten-thousand). H. Franz Schurman, "Mongolian Tributary Practices of the Thirteenth Century," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 19, 1956, pp. 304-89; John Masson Smith, Jr., "Mongol and Nomadic Taxation," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30, 1970, pp. 46-85.

  22. Peter Olbrecht, Das Postwesen in China unter der Mongolenherrschaft im 13 und 14 Jh. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1954).

  23. Howorth, The History, Part I, p. 227.

  24. Wolfgang Reinhard, ed., Power Elites and State Building (Oxford: Clarendon, 1996), p. 9. See also Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A. D. 900-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

  25. Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World System A. D. 1250-1350 (New York: Oxford, 1989), pp. 154-57.

  26. Halperin, "Russia in the Mongol Empire in Comparative Perspective," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 41 (3), 1983, pp. 239-61. Another scholar, in somewhat extreme fashion, noted the tensions between a stationary political order and the ecological requirements and rhythms of pastoral nomadism. Smith, "Mongol and Nomadic Taxation," pp. 84-85. See also Ch'i-ch'ing Hsiao, The Military Establishment of the Yuan Dynasty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), and the review by Morris Rossabi: Bulletin of Sung-Yuan Studies, no. 14, 1978, pp. 126-27; and Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung, und Kultur der Ilchanzeit 1220-1350, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1955).

  27. I. N. Berezin, "Ocherk vnutrennogo ustroistva ulusa Dzhuchieva," Trudy vostochnogo otdeleniia Russkago arkheologicheskago obshchestva, 8, 1864, pp. 387-494.

  28. Historians disagree on why Batu ceased his European conquest. Most surmise that news of the death of the Great Khan Ogedei -- which reached Batu in 1242 -- prompted his withdrawal, for he needed to travel to Karakorum for the election of a new great khan. But Russian historians have speculated that Batu's forces were exhausted from the wars and the resistance they had met in the plains of southern Rus and elsewhere. These analysts point out that Batu did not, in fact, hurry back to Karakorum, but settled down in the steppes. In their reading, news of Ogedei's death merely served as an excuse for retreat. S. L. Tikhvinskii, "Tataro-Mongolskie zavoevaniia v Azii i Evrope," in Tataro-Mongoly, pp. 3-26. See also Boyle, "The Mongols and Europe" (1259) in The Mongol World Empire, pp. 339-40. Denis Sinor has suggested that the Hungarian plain could not sustain a large nomadic army. Sinor, "Horse and Pasture in Inner Asian History," Oriens Extremus, 19, 1972, pp. 171-83.

  29. See the breakthrough study by Bertold Spuler, Die Goldene Horde: die Mongolen in Russland, 1223-1502 2nd ed. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1965), originally published 1943.

  30. It wasn't until F. K. Brun in 1878 that the existence of two different cities named Sarai was explained. Brun, "Chernomor'e," in Sbornik issledovanii po istoricheskoi geografii iuzhnoi Rossii, 2 vols. (Odessa, 1879-80). For the controversy, see G. A. Fedorov-Davydov, Obshchestvennyi stroi zolotoi ordy (Moscow, 1973), pp. 79-80.

  31. See his notes to a translation of a seventeenth-century Mongol text, Schmidt, ed. and trans., Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen . . . (St. Petersburg, 1829); Koldonga Sodnom, "The Origin of the name 'Mongol'," The Mongolian Society Newsletter, no. 10, July 1991, pp. 39-41.

  32. Allsen, "The Yuan Dynasty," p. 245. William McNeill suggests that the Mongol population was ravaged in the fourteenth century by the Black Death, for whose spread the Mongols were inadvertently responsible. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1976).

  33. M. G. Safargaliev, Raspad zolotoi ordy (Saransk [Mordovia], 1960), p. 35.

  34. Vadim L. Egorov, Istoricheskaia geografiia zolotoi ordy v XIII-XIV vv. (Moscow, 1985), p. 156.

  35. V. V. Bartol'd, "Istoriia turetsko-mongolskikh narodov," in Sochineniia, vol. 5 (Moscow, 1968), pp. 211-12; Fedorov-Davydov, Obshchestvennyi stroi zolotoi ordy, p. 173. See also J. Von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte der Goldener Horde in Kiptschak (Pesth, 1840), pp. 32-33.

  36. The Europeans added an "r," forming "Tartars," a pun on the mythological Tartarus or River of Hell, whence the Tatars were disparingly said to have originated. Howorth, History of the Mongols, Part I, pp. 25-26.

  37. As Pierre Goubert once said of the French nobility of the robe, "at the highest level, everybody is a relative." Goubert, L'Ancien regime: les pouvoirs (Paris, 1973), p. 52.

  38. After 1480 embassies continued to be exchanged, but their purposes are unclear. The last khan of the Horde died in 1505. Halperin, Tatar Yoke, p. 150.

  39. At first a "horde" for the Mongols did not mean a state, but the headquarters of the khan, i.e., something narrower than an ulus. Only in the fifteenth century did it come to mean the entire "state." See Vladimirtsov, Obshchestvennyi stroi, pp. 98-99; and Fedorov-Davydov, Obshchestvennyi stroi zolotoi ordy, pp. 43-51, 63-64, 112, 118-19. Von Hammer tried to explain the derivation of "horde" from hearth and yurt, so that an assemblage of yurts became known as an ordu or orda. Von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte, pp. 32-33.

  40. Halperin, The Golden Horde, pp. 88-97. He clears away many myths, pointing out that far from isolating Rus, the Mongols facilitated an active caravan trade and contacts with Europe and the rest of the Orient. See also Howorth, The History, Part II, pp. 215, 348-49. For accounts of Persian, Arabic, and other traders and diplomats, as well as nineteenth-century Russian efforts to interpret the "Tatar yoke," see V. G. Tizengauzen, Sbornik materialov, otnosiashchikhsia k istorii zolotoi ordy vol. 1 (St. Petersburg, 1884).

  41. Jaroslaw Pelenskii, Russia and Kazan: Conquest and Imperial Ideology (1438-1560s) (The Hague and Paris, 1973).

  42. Halperin, The Tatar Yoke, pp. 21-22. As Halperin has written elsewhere, the Russians borrowed more extensively from the Golden Horde than the Chinese or Iranians from the Yuan and Ilkhanids. He emphasized not the slight Mongol influence on the Russians but, in comparative perspective, the slight Russian influence on the Mongols. Halperin, "Russia in the Mongol Empire," pp. 250, 261. Under Peter the Great, many of the various Tatar-inspired institutions were remodeled by conscious adaptations of western Europe examples.

  43. See B. D. Grekov and A. Iu. Iakubovskii, Zolotaia orda i ee padenie (Moscow-Leningrad, 1950; originally published 1937), pp. 60-61; Safargaliev, Raspad, p. 26.

  44. Egorov, Istoricheskaia geografiia, pp. 10-11, 31, 52-53, 151-53, 232-34.

  45. History of the Mongols, Part I, p. 173; Part II, pp. 59-61.

  46. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes region, 1650-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). See also Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994).

  47. G. F. Miller, Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 1 (Leningrad, 1937), chapter 1, pp. 169 ff. As Bakhrushin noted, Mueller was allowed to collect documents freely, but was subject to censorship and the guidelines of his patron, the Russian state. Bakhrushin, "G. F. Miller kak istorik Sibiri," in Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 1, pp. 5-55. Solov'ev distinguished between Russia's "natural" filling out of its European territories and the "colonization" process beyond the Urals, admitting the latter was akin to the European advance into the New World. But he maintained that Russia's colonialism in Siberia had been largely peaceful and harmonious. Solov'ev, Istoriia Rossii s drevnikh vremen, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1959), pp. 62-63.

  48. As Mueller pointed out. See Terence Armstrong, ed., Yermak's Campaign in Siberia: A Selection of Documents (London: Hakluyt, 1975); and S. Rozhnova and N. Kurdina, "Ermak istoricheskii i literaturnyi," Sibirskie ogni, 1981, 12, pp. 156-64.

  49. S. V. Bakhrushin, Ocherki po istorii kolonizatsii Sibiri v XVI i XVII vv. (Moscow, 1927), reprinted in Nauchnye trudy, vol. 3 (1) (Moscow, 1953), pp. 15-160.

  50. Shunkov, Ocherki po istorii kolonizatsii Sibiri v XVII - nachale XVIII v. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1946).

  51. Nikolai M. Iadrintsev, Sibir', kak koloniia. K iubileniu trekhstoletiia: Sovremennaia Sibir', ee nuzhdy i potrebnosti, ee proshloe i budushchee (St. Petersburg, 1882; 1892). For a recent restatement, see James Forsyth, A History of the Peoples of Siberia: Russia's North Asian Colony, 1581-1990 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

  52. D. N. Anuchin, "K istorii oznakomleniis s Sibiriu do Ermaka," Drevnosti: Trudy Moskovskogo Arkheologicheskogo Obshchestva, 14, 1890, pp. 227-313.

  53. Basil Dmytryshyn et al., eds., Russia's Conquest of Siberia 1558-1700: A Documentary Record, vol. 1 of To Siberia and Russian America: Three Centuries of Russian Eastward Expansion (Portland: Western Imprints, 1985), pp. lxiii-lxx; A. A. Preobrazhenkii, Ural i zapadnaia Sibir' v kontse XVI-nachale XVII vv. (Moscow, 1969).

  54. Butsinskii pointed out that many of the ethnic Russians who made their way to Siberia were inhabitants of northern regions of European Russia and had intermixed with non-Slav populations there. Butsinskii, Zaselenie, pp. 326-29.

  55. P. N. Butsinskii, Zaselenie Sibiri i byt eia pervykh nasel'nikov (Kharkov, 1889), pp. 191-93.

  56. Howorth, The History, Part I, p.

  57. James R. Gibson, Feeding the Russian Fur Trade: Provisionment of the Okhotsk Seaboard and the Kamchatka Peninsula, 1639-18 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969).

  58. S. Prutchenko, Sibirskiia okrainy, vol. 1 (St. Petersburg, 1899), p. 2.

  59. A. Oksenov, Sibirskoe tsartsvo do epokhi Ermaka (Tomsk, 1888). The Siberian khans claimed to be descendants of Nogais (these were the so-called Pechenegs who came to be known by the name of their chief, Nogai). They were still pagans when conquered by Kuchum. Mueller, Istoriia, pp. 171, 180.

  60. B. O. Dolgikh, "Rodovoi i plamennoi sostav narodov Sibiri v XVII v.," Trudy Instituta Etnografii, new series, vol. 45 (Moscow, 1960), pp. 48, 52, 59; and A. A. Vvedenskii, Dom Stroganovykh v XVI-XVII vekakh (Moscow, 1962), p. 75.

  61. Sergei Bakhrushin, "Sibirskie sluzhilye tatary v XVII v.," Istoricheskie zapiski, 1937, pp. 55-88, reprinted in Nauchnye trudy, vol 3 (2) (Moscow, 1955), pp. 153-59, 163.

  62. Having been forced to flee, Kuchum eluded capture for a long time before he died. Even after his death several princes of his house tried to revive his authority. Ishim, who laid claim to the title Khan of Siberia, formed an alliance by marrying the daughter of the Torgut chief, Urluk, who had his camp on the Upper Tobol and exercised considerable power in the steppes in the 1630s and 40s. J. E. Fischer, Sibirskaia istoriia s samogo otkrytiia Sibiri do zavoevaniia sei zemli rossiiskim oruzhiem . . . (St. Petersburg, 1774), pp. 444, 577.

  63. Sergei V. Bakhrushin, "Puti v Sibir' v XVI - XVII vv.," Nauchnye trudy, vol, 3, part 1 (Moscow, 1955), pp. 72-120.

  64. Janet Martin, "The Land of Darkness and the Golden Horde: The Fur Trade under the Mongols, XIII-XIVth Centuries," Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique, 19 (4), pp. 401-21.

  65. V. I. Ogorodnikov, Ocherk istorii Sibiri do nachala XIX stol., part 2 (Vladivostok, 1924), p. 39.

  66. Rafael M. Kabo, Goroda Zapadnoi Sibiri: Ocherki istoriko-ekonomicheskoi geografii (XVII - pervaia polovina XIX v.) (Moscow, 1949), pp. 45, 59, 93; Marina M. Gromyko, Zapadnaia Sibir' v XVIII veke: Russkoe naselenie i zemledel'cheskoe osvoenie (Novosibirsk, 1965), pp. 84.

  67. Z. Ia. Boiarshinova, Naselenie Tomskogo uezda v pervoi polovine XVII veka (Moscow, 1949).

  68. The 1926 census established the existence of more than fifty villages in the Kuznetsk okrug dating from the seventeenth century. Spisok naselennykh mest Sibirskogo kraia, vol. 2 (Novosibirsk, 1929).

  69. Ogorodnikov, Ocherki istorii Sibiri do nachala XIX v., vol. 2, p. 42.

  70. Dolgikh, "Rodovoi i plamennoi," pp. 104, 115.

  71. Aziatskaia Rossiia, vol. 1 (St. Petersburg, 1914), p. 24; Bakhrushin, Nauchnye trudy, vol. 3, p. 149; Z. Ia. Boiarshinova, Naselenie Tomskogo uezda v pervoi polovine XVII veka (Moscow, 1949); A. P. Okladnikov et al., Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 2 (Leningrad, 1968), pp. 157-58.

  72. P. I. Rychkov, Istoriia Orenburgksaia 2nd ed. (Orenburg, 1896); Alton S. Donnelly, The Russian Conquest of Bashkiria 1552-1740: A Case Study in Imperialism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968).

  73. Sergei V. Bakhrushin, "Eniseiskie Kirgizy v XVII v.," in Nauchnye trudy, vol. 3 (2) (Moscow, 1955), pp. 176-224.

  74. Prior to the thirteenth century, the Kirgiz are known through Chinese sources, which refer to a great empire in the ninth and tenth centuries, after which the Kirgiz appear to have settled on the Enisei north of the Sayan Mountains. They are mentioned in Arab and Mongolian sources of the thirteenth century. In the fourteenth-sixteenth centuries "silence" ensues, until the arrival of the Russians and the clashes in the seventeenth century, from which time there are Kirgiz documents (written in Kalmyk). V. V. Bartol'd, Kirgizy (istoricheskii ocherk) (Frunze, 1927, 1943), reprinted in Sochineniia, vol. 2 (1) (Moscow, 1963), pp. 471-543.

  75. The name Kalmyk (or Kalmuck) appears to have been given to the Oirats by Turkic speakers, and may be a corruption of "kalpak" or fur hat (i.e., the Kalmyks did not wear turbans, a mark of Islam). Other tribes unrelated to the Kalmyks but also non-Muslims were called White Kalmyks (the Telenguts) or Black Kalmyks (Nogai). See Howorth, The History, Part I, pp. 492-98. Prior to the seventeenth century, the Kalmyks were considered as subjects by the Chinese. In the early seventeenth century, a large force of Kalmyks moved west into the upper Irtysh and Tobol basins, some crossing Urals and settling on the Don and Volga. In the scholarly literature, "Kalmyk" has come to be used only for those Oirats who lived west of the Urals.

  76. See the seventeenth-century observations by the Croatian Jesuit Krizanic, Russkoe gosudarstvo v polovine XVII veka: Rukkopis' vremen Alekseia Mikhailovicha, 1 vol. in 6 parts (Moscow, 1859-60), quoted in A. Titov, Sibir' v XVII v., pp. 163ff., translated in Dmytryshyn, pp. 430-42.

  77. Mueller, Istoriia, vol. 1, pp. 428-30, 306-07, as translated in Dmytryshyn, To Siberia and Russian America, vol. 1, pp. 66-68, 115-17.

  78. Michael Khodarkovsky, Where Two Worlds Meet: The Russian State and the Kalmyk Nomads, 1600-1771 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), p. 67. Many of the peoples in the Irtysh, Ob, and Enisei basins suffered three iasak overlords.

  79. Because part of the Oirat tribes roamed to the west bank of Irtysh and then all the way to the lower Volga, there has been some speculation that they were inspired by Chingis Khan's example and were trying to "reinstate" the old "empire." It seems that they roamed more from desperate need, looking for pasture lands. It was external threats and pressures that compelled the formation of the Jungarian state and a certain internal "unity," a circumstance aided by the adoption of Tibetan Buddhism (Lamaism). The western Oirats (Kalmyks) and Jungarian remained in contact, with the former eventually seeking to return and join the latter, but that too was an act of desperation. See Khodarkovsky, Where Two Worlds, passim.

  80. Il'ia Ia. Zlatkin, Istoriia Dzhungarskogo khanstva (1635-1758) (Moscow, 1964; 1983). See also Serafim S. Shashkov, "Rabstvo v Sibiri," in Sobranie sochinenii, 2 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1898), pp. 503-48, especially pp. 524-32.

  81. John F. Baddeley, Russia, Mongolia, China . . . , 2 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1919).

  82. Witsen, Noord en oost Tartarey (Amsterdam, 1698; 1703; 1785), still untranslated.

  83. I. Gmelin, Reise durch Sibirien von dem Jahre 1733 bis 1743 (Goettingen, 1751), vol. 1, preface; Mark Bassin, "Inventing Siberia: Visions of the Russian East in the Early Nineteenth Century," American Historical Review, 96 (3), 1991, pp. 763-94.

  84. See S. A. Kozin, Sokrovennoe Skazanie: Mongol'skaia khronika 1240 g. Iuan' Chao bishi: Mongol'skii obydennyi izbornik, vol. 1 (Moscow-Leningrad, 1941), p. 175.

  85. Shafarik, Slavianskie drevnosti, perevod Bodianskogo, vol. 1, book 2 (Moscow, 1847), p. 100.

  86. S. Patkanov, in Sibirskaia sovetskaia entsiklopediia, vol. 4 (Novosibirsk, 1936), p. 890 -- unpublished, in page proofs.

  87. Zoia Ia. Boiarshinova, Naselenia zapadnoi Sibiri do nachala russkoi kolonizatsii (Tomsk, 1960).

  88. A. J. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

  89. Dolgikh, "Rodovoi i plamennoi," pp. 618-20.

  90. There was to be no New Russia until well into the eighteenth century (north of the Caspian). Yuri Slezkine, Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the Small Peoples of the North (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), pp. 39-40.

  91. A. V. Baikalov, "The Conquest and Colonization of Siberia," Slavic and East European Review, 10, 1932, pp.... ; Raymond H. Fisher, The Siberian Fur Trade, 1550-1700 (Berkeley: University of California, 1943), p. 119.

  92. Lantzeff, Siberia in the Seventeenth Century (Berkeley: University of California, 1943), p. 17.

  93. Marc Raeff, Siberia and the Reforms of 1822 (Seattle: University of Washington, 1956).

  94. Vasilii N. Tatishchev, Leksikon rossiiskoi istoricheskoi, geograficheskoi, politicheskoi i grazhdanskoi (St. Petersburg, 1793), p. 189; W. H. Parker, "Europe: How Far?" Geographical Journal, 126, 1960, pp. 278-96; Mark Bassin, "Russia Between Europe and Asia: The Ideological Construction of Geography," Slavic Review, 50 (1), 1991, pp. 1-17. Throughout the eighteenth century, Siberia was the most studied region of Russia. A. P. Okladnikov et al., Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 2 (Leningrad, 1968), pp. 10-11.

  95. Aziatskaia Rossiia, vol. 2, pp. 501-03.

  96. Leonid P. Potapov, Kratkie ocherki istorii i etnografii khakasov (XVII-XIX vv.) (Abakan, 1952), pp. 120-28; V. E. Pisarev, "Proizkhozhdenie zemledeliia i polevykh kul'tur vostochnoi Sibiri," in Materialy po istorii zemledeliia SSSR, vol. 2 (Moscow-Leningrad, 1956), pp. 170-203.

  97. Sergei V. Kiselev, Drevniaia istoriia iuzhnoi Sibiri (Moscow, 1949; 2nd ed. 1951).

  98. Until the eighteenth century, Viktor Shunkov wrote, "the Russian peasant proved to be kept out [ottesnennym] of the territories most suitable for agriculture." Shunkov, Ocherki po zemledeliia Sibiri (XVII vek) (Moscow, 1956), p. 247. See also Z. Ia. Boiarshinova, Zapadnaia Sibir nakanune prisoedeineniia k Rossii: Sel'skokhoziaistvennoe osvoenie zapadnoi Sibiri russkimi v feodal'nuiu epoku (Tomsk, 1967).

  99. B. V. Kafengauz, Istoriia khoziaistva Demidovykh v XVIII - XIX vv. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1949); Zinaida G. Karpenko, Gornaia i metallurgicheskaia promyshlennost' zapadnoi Sibiri 1700-1860 gg. (Novosibirsk, 1963).

  100. Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 2, p. 249.

  101. Kabo, Goroda Zapadnoi Sibiri, pp. 46, 94; Gromyko, Zapadnaia sibir', pp. 86-87. Aleksandr Radishchev, who was exiled to Siberia in the 1790s, thought that if a Siberian bank were opened, its headquarters ought to be located in Barnaul. Polnoe Sobranie Sochineniia, vol. 3 (Moscow-Leningrad, 1952), p. 142.

  102. Petr Petrovich Semenov-Tian-Shanskii, Puteshestvie v Tian'-Shan' (Moscow, 1958); and P. P. Semenov-Tian-Shanskii, ego zhizn' i deiatel'nost' (Leningrad, 1928). He met Fedor Dostoesvkii in Semipalatinsk, who told of his exile there and later visited the geographer in Barnaul, reading to him from a manuscript then in progress (Notes from the House of the Dead).

  103. Serafim S. Shashkov, "Rabstvo v Sibiri," pp. 503-48.

  104. This is one of the principle unstudied problems in Siberian history. For a suggestive treatment of this question in another locale, see Jean Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983).

  105. Aziatskaia Rossiia, vol. 1, p. 185.

  106. Iadrintsev, Sibir', kak koloniia, passim.

  107. Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, "The Emergence of Eurasianism," California Slavic Studies, 4, 1967, pp. 39-72; Otto Boess, Die Lehre der Eurasier: ein Beitrag zur russischen Ideengeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1961).

  108. "Stat'i o drevnostiakh Sibirskikh," in Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 1, pp. 511-40.

  109. As Marina Gromyko wrote, "the multi-year, arduous labor of hundreds of thousands" of peasants allowed "the huge feudal state to incorporate new territories." Zapadnaia sibir', p. 250.

  110. Federico Chabod, Storia di Milano nell'epoca di Carlo V (Turin, 1961), p. 161.

  111. See V. V. Sapozhnikov, Po russkomu i mongol'skomu Altaiu (Moscow, 1949).

  112. For brief discussions of the "uprisings" in the Altai mountains during the Russo-Japanese war, and their visions of a Japanese-facilitated return of the "golden khan," see Leonid P. Potapov, Ocherki po istorii Altaitsev (Novosibirsk 1948; 2nd ed. Moscow-Leningrad, 1953).

  113. Into the early nineteenth century, the area surrounding Kuznetsk was called the north Altai. The name "Kuzbas" (Kuznetsk basin) seems to have been coined in the mid-nineteenth century by an explorer of the Altai, China, and Little Asia named P. A. Chikhachevyi. Ivan A. Balibalov, Kemerovo 3rd ed. (Kemerovo, 1962), p. 30; A. V. Volchenko, Iz istorii administrativno-territorial'nogo deleniia Kuzbassa 1618-1963 gg. (Kemerovo, 1963).

  114. See Stanislav Kunaev, "Velikii put'," in A. Perlovskii, ed., Sibirskie stroki: Russkie i sovetskie poety o Sibiri (Moscow, 1984), pp. 5-10.

SRC Winter Symposium Socio-Cultural Dimensions of the Changes in the Slavic-Eurasian World ( English / Japanese )

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